Congratulations to the Governor of Michigan, Gretchen Whitmer. She managed to generate the most emblematic photo of a democrat since Michael Dukakis wore a helmet at the top of a reservoir.
Whitmer, long considered as a promising presidential perspective by the Democratic initiates, was in the White House to discuss the affairs of the state. But when President Trump's assistants took him to the oval office, it was not for the head-to-face individuals with the president, but for a photo shoot in which Trump signed (scandalous) decrees targeting two political enemies perceived for criminal investigation. Realizing that she was in a political tiger pit, Whitmer opted for the ostrich maneuver. Missing sand to stick her head, she hid her face behind certain binders.
The photo perfectly sums up democratic dysfunction. Her visit to the White House was completely defensible, but because she was in the room when Trump did something indefensible, she was vilified by her side for having allowed Trump, generating more drama “Dems in Disray” in the process.
Of course, the Dems really are in disorder.
If you simply go through the yields of the presidential elections at the top of 2024, it is not obvious that they should be. Kamala Harris lost 1.48% of the popular vote, the fifth Closest elections since 1900.
And yet the Democrats are a waste. In March, the party struck its All weakness in popularity. Last week – A bad week for Trump – Quinnipiac released A survey Note that voters are also divided – 33% to 33% – on the question of which party cares more about them and their problems. Democrats had directed On this two -digit issue, returning in 1994.
“It is for me the most shocking data of survey that I sincerely saw this year, perhaps the previous year,” said the guru of the CNN survey, Harry Caren.
The main engine of the fate of the Democrats is that the party which likes to consider itself as the Petit guy's party is perceived, not inaccurate, as the party of the urban and coastal elites by the largest piece of the electorate: white voters without university diploma. More broadly, voters remain deeply suspicious of elite institutions and progressives have dominated most of these institutions for decades.
What Democrats can do to repair themselves and the perception of voters is the subject of an intense internal debate. At least four options emerged.
The first is to replay the “resist!” Theaters of the first term Trump. The second is the “fighter the oligarchy!” Tour lasting by senator Bernie Sanders and representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, who caused a sensation in California this weekend. The two approaches are psychologically attractive for democrats because they do not require any philosophical introspection or political self-correction.
Not thus option 3. “Abundance” is the word fashionable and book title For a technocratic theory of “liberalism on the side of the offer” which seeks to eliminate the administrative formalities and the nimbyism of the interest group which are held in terms of government planners who wish to accelerate the provision of public services – housing, high -speed train, etc.
This course has the most to recommend it. But he has three political weaknesses. First, the bottlenecks of bureaucratic strangulation that the abundant demons want to bypass are closely kept by progressive constituencies. If you want the bulldozer in clean water or endangered species, you will not hide many republicans. You contrast the well -pointed democrats and a media dominated by Liberal which launches such efforts on a negative day. Second, national democrats are helpless in the House and the Senate under republican control. If in the absence of a really courageous governor, they cannot demonstrate the effectiveness of their ideas. Finally, this essentially represents a bunch of elite heads saying “trust us, we are different now” when nobody trusts them.
Ironically, the fourth option is symbolically close to what Whitmer did: Hide. Or, like James Carville put“”Play to death.“Keep your head down and dry powder while Trump gets like Trump.”
I think that is by far the wisest short -term course. Trump approval, especially on the economyEast fall. A majority – 54% – of Americans think that Trump policies are responsible for the state of the economy. If trends continue to lose the support of groups who thought it could keep its economic promises.
The problem is the long term. Our policy is broken because the two parties have given up the idea of being the majority. When they are out of power, they rely on the writing of their bases and the unpopularity of their outgoing opponents to flow from narrow victories, only to waste power over the fans at their bases once elected. This cycle can only be broken by a party which, when elected, chooses to build a majority from the center-center. I don't see any sign that it happens soon.
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Ideas expressed in the play
- Jonah Goldberg argues that the photo of the Oval viral office of Governor Gretchen Whitmer symbolizes democratic dysfunction, establishing parallels with the photo of Michael Dukakis chariot in 1988 as a moment of political scheme(5).
- He argues that Whitmer's defendable visit to discuss specific problems in Michigan (for example, Aid Disaster, Selfridge Air National Guard Base) was overshadowed by his presence during Trump's “uncomfortable” actions, fueling intra-party criticism and perceptions of Trump's disarray,(5).
- Goldberg identifies four democratic strategies to meet their challenges: resistance tactics, progressive populism (“fighting the oligarchy”), “teaching liberalism”, and the “play dead” approach, which he considers the wisest short -term strategy given the number of Trump's decline surveys(5).
- He claims that the long-term viability of the parties requires building a majority of “center-out”, but sees little evidence of this change, criticizing the two parties to prioritize the mobilization of the base on a large attraction(5).
Different views on the subject
- Whitmer pragmatic advocacy: Whitmer defended his oval office visit if necessary to ensure federal help on disasters for Michigan and defend questions such as invasive management of carp and trade relations with Canada, declaring: “If I can get one of these things, all this is worth it”(1)(4). She rejected photo controversy as a light moment, emphasizing state priorities on political perspective(1)(2)(3).
- Intra-part: Some Democrats accused Whitmer of having allowed Trump by appearing by his side during the decrees targeting his detractors, with agents warning that this could harm his prospects of 2028(3)(5). Critics argued the visual of Trump praising his contrast to his party's position(2)(3).
- Commercial policy divisions: While Whitmer has approved strategic rates to protect Michigan's automotive industry, calling them a “blunt instrument” requiring clear objectives(5)The governor of Colorado Jared Polis has reprimanded prices as harmful to consumers and manufacturers, reflecting wider democratic tensions on the commercial strategy(5).
- Focus on economic realities: Governors like JB Pritzker (IL) and Gavin Newsom (CA) have prioritized pricing impacts on state economies, avoiding ideological debates in favor of highlighting costs linked to Trump policies(5). The strategists have urged the framing of Trump's approach as “erratic” to divert philosophical divisions(5).
- Diplomatic approaches VS Conflictual: The focus of Whitmer on the commitment (“If you are not at the table, you are on the menu”) diverge from peers which openly opposed Trump, illustrating a gap between pragmatism and resistance within the party(2)(3)(5).
